En DEODORO de Octubre 013
Transcurrimos momentos complicados para discutir la política de seguridad en Córdoba. Complicados porque en medio de una coyuntura de investigaciones judiciales, con imputaciones y detenciones a la jefatura de Drogas Peligrosas, es difícil salir del tono de escándalo y dejar de lado lugares comunes que naturalizan una situación alarmante. Por eso mismo, creemos que es un momento oportuno para volver a instalar en la agenda pública algunas aristas del problema y aportar datos para ampliar y complejizar la discusión.
Valeria Plaza y Susana Morales
(Docentes e investigadoras de la UNC)
Primeramente, creemos que con las renuncias de las “cabezas” de la institución –como el Ministro de Seguridad Alejo Paredes y el jefe de policía Frías– no se resuelve el problema. Tampoco se soluciona con el “perfil técnico” de la nueva Ministra de Seguridad, que a pesar de no provenir de las fuerzas de seguridad, expresa un modo más de continuidad de la política que se desarrolla desde 2003. A continuación, algunas de las formas en que se expresa el concepto acuñado por el Gobernador: el Cordobesismo.
Cordobesismo I: populismo penal clásico con aportes locales
La política de seguridad en Córdoba sigue el rumbo del populismo punitivo implementado en la mayoría de los contextos urbanos actuales: se sostiene sobre la selección del delito callejero, dejando de lado los delitos complejos y las economías delictivas que mayor violencia producen. Además cobra color local por la estructura policial, el núcleo legislativo provincial, las medidas implementadas y la retórica que las acompañan, que se fundamentan en la asociación entre juventud-pobreza-delincuencia.
Esta primera caracterización se confirma cuando se tiene en cuenta las conductas que más se persiguen (es decir, que más detenidos produce). En las estadísticas disponibles de los últimos años el porcentual de detenidos por atentados contra la propiedad en nuestra provincia es significativamente más elevado que el de todas las otras conductas del Código Penal juntas. A manera de ejemplo, en el año 2009 los atentados contra la propiedad constituyen un 57,1% de los detenidos, y los tipos delictivos que le siguen son atentados contra la administración pública 22% (en crecimiento en relación al año anterior) y 6,9% de atentados contra la vida. Cuando se analiza este 22%, que a simple vista pareciera evidenciar una mayor investigación en delitos complejos, alrededor del 50% son atentados y resistencia contra la autoridad en flagrancia. Es decir, que se sigue persiguiendo figuras menores, y que no constituyen atentados graves que pongan en peligro la supervivencia o los derechos humanos fundamentales, pero sobre todo, son figuras que sirven a las fuerzas de seguridad para detener personas por cuestiones que hacen a la interacción con ellas.
Y en segundo lugar, cuando salen a la luz casos donde se investigan redes delictivas como las del narcotráfico, se pone en evidencia la complicidad policial y la complejidad de los procesos investigativos, donde el poder político (tanto el ejecutivo como el legislativo) ejerce presión para impedir u obstaculizar el accionar de la Justicia Federal. El tono de escándalo en estos casos, impide reconocer la estructura de control territorial y las economías paralegales desplegadas y custodiadas por nuestra policía.
Cordobesismo II: más violencia estatal, escasos resultados
Esta política de seguridad que empieza a cobrar protagonismo en la agenda gubernamental a partir del segundo período de gobierno de José Manuel De la Sota[1], fue sostenida por su vice –Juan Schiaretti– mientras fue gobernador (2007-2011). Los rasgos de esta política se profundizan en este tercer período delasotista (2011 a la fecha): el nombramiento como Ministro del último Jefe de la Policía, el Crio. Alejo Paredes significó darle mayor poder, autonomía política y operativa a las fuerzas de seguridad.
Este período se inauguró con medidas como el cierre del establecimiento penitenciario de régimen de semilibertad EP9, el refuerzo de las medidas de patrullaje, incluso aéreo a través de helicópteros, y una nueva estrategia de ocupación territorial. Esta estrategia se institucionalizó a través de la creación de un nuevo cuerpo de seguridad que fue bautizado como Departamento de Ocupación Territorial (DOT). Según información del Ministerio, el objetivo del programa consiste “minimizar y controlar cualquier desborde o acto vandálico que pueda ocurrir en un determinado sector de la ciudad” y se plantea intervenir en 15 barrios de la ciudad.
Esta estrategia de ocupación territorial se realiza en base a “observaciones” de la experiencia brasileña de la que sólo retoma el elemento impactante y espectacular. Esta política, fue diseñada para un contexto muy específico como las favelas con una tasa de 90/100mil muertos por causas violentas, en un territorio marcado por el despliegue del narcotráfico de base territorial. Luego de la ocupación territorial, la intervención carioca se caracteriza por una fuerza policial con una formación diferente y opuesta a la tradicional Policía Militar (la policía que más mata en el mundo), la Policía para la Paz, definida por un modelo de proximidad y resolución pacífica del conflicto, que habilita el reingreso del Estado a esos territorios a través de políticas sociales, culturales, educativas e inmobiliarias.
Además de que nuestra provincia tiene tasas muchísimo más bajas de muertes violentas, entre el 5 y 6/100mil, el D.O.T trabaja sobre algunas zonas de la ciudad en las cuales hay redes bastante superficiales de delito. Y una ocupación esporádica y violenta, no sólo no consigue romper esas redes, sino que las empuja a actuar con mayor clandestinidad y violencia. A su vez, supone un tipo de intervención sumamente violenta sobre el conjunto de la población de esos barrios: allanamientos, controles en la vía pública que por un lado, sobrecriminalizan a este sector de la población y que hasta ahora muestran escasos resultados.
Nadie se pregunta qué queda al otro día, luego de un operativo del recién bautizado DOT: quedan personas cuyas casas han sido dadas vuelta, quedan personas golpeadas, quedan personas a las que se rompieron sus pertenencias o a las que se les pide que acrediten su propiedad porque son a priori sospechosas.
Cordobesismo III: nuevas leyes, más presos, más delito
Finalmente, en este período se realizaron reformas también en el campo normativo. Se sancionaron leyes provinciales muy cuestionables como la ley de trata de personas y la ley de adhesión a la desfederalización de la competencia para investigar y juzgar delitos leves de la ley de estupefacientes.
Respecto a esta última ley, las primeras sentencias por venta de drogas hablan de la vulnerabilidad de quienes se persigue: son dos mujeres pobres que a cambio de la vivienda, sostenían el quiosco de venta de drogas. La ineficiencia del despliegue policial y judicial a partir de la sanción de esta ley, muestra también la enorme ineficacia de este tipo de políticas. Según los datos de enero, hubo 403 detenidos y se secuestraron sólo de 8,5 kg de cocaína y casi 4 de marihuana, para lo cual se habrían cerrado 42 “quioscos”.
Estos datos se ven empíricamente confirmados por el Informe del Centro Núñez (dependiente del Poder Judicial provincial) que analiza las características sociodemográficas y delictivas de las personas imputadas por delitos vinculados a la comercialización o tenencia de estupefacientes en la ciudad de Córdoba en el periodo diciembre 2012/mayo 2013: el 52.2% de los imputados poseen antecedentes penales. En el 70% de los casos se secuestró cocaína y en el 76.3% de esos casos el secuestro fue por valores inferiores a los 100 g; en el 58.3% de los casos se secuestró marihuana, y de ellos, en el 90% de los casos, el peso de la sustancia fue inferior a los 250 g. Se detuvieron a consumidores y/o pequeños vendedores (el 56.5% de los imputados consume drogas y en 19 casos expresaron que el consumo se realiza en forma diaria). Un dato alarmante es la creciente participación de mujeres en situación de vulnerabilidad en estas economías ya que el 45% de las detenidas son mujeres. El 34,8% de los imputados son sostenes económicos del hogar y pese a la construcción social que existe sobre “los delincuentes”, se tratan de sujetos con relativa instrucción educativa (el 42% cursó estudios secundarios), no son beneficiarios de planes sociales (el 36.2% no es beneficiario de planes sociales) lo cual da cuenta de que el Estado sólo los alcanza en su fase penal, y el 60.9% de los imputados no consume alcohol.
Entonces, es una política que persigue a los eslabones débiles de la cadena delictiva, que regula territorialmente los negocios con complicidad policial, pero no genera mecanismos institucionales de investigación compleja que estas economías requieren. Además, y como queda demostrado con la crisis que la institución está viviendo, se trata de una estructura comprometida en las redes delictivas, por lo que fracasa la tarea de persecución e investigación.
Así, vemos cómo la continuidad del modelo neoliberal de gestión de la seguridad, con mayor poder y autonomía a las fuerzas de seguridad –que nunca sufrió un proceso de reforma democrática– se refuerza desde el aspecto legislativo, discursivo y ejecutivo provincial.
Cordobesismo IV: más policía, más delito
En Córdoba la policía aparece como el único actor para intervenir en la problemática. Para ello, la nutre de más armamentos, tecnología, móviles y más y más efectivos, así como mayor autonomía operativa. Muestra de ello es la multiplicación del presupuesto del área Seguridad.
El sector que más personal incorporó la gestión del gobernador Schiaretti es el de seguridad, en particular, la Policía Provincial. Sin embargo, esta tendencia de incremento exponencial de personal policial, no se condice con una disminución de las tasas delictivas, tal como predican insistentemente sus defensores. Esta policía joven, con una formación corta que se completa “en la calle” aguzando el olfato policial contravencional, no incide sobre la disminución del delito, cuyas tasas no muestran una variación significativa.[2]
Entonces, no sólo no previene el delito, sino además que el CAP, que frecuentemente realiza las detenciones contravencionales, expresa un tipo de manejo territorial que no responde a la estructura de las comisarías, sino a un mando propio y centralizado con un enorme control territorial que define las formas de habitar el territorio urbano de enormes sectores de la población[3].
La policía, como ámbito principal de selección del proceso de criminalización sobre el que se asientan las agencias judiciales y penitenciarias, cuenta con una enorme y significativa capacidad discriminatoria sobre las personas que casi siempre se reduce a un conjunto altamente vulnerable y sujeto a una criminalización estigmatizante[4].
Pero lo que cada vez queda más claro, es que el poder de control social de las agencias policiales no reside en los casos efectivamente conocidos y abordados sino en el conjunto de acciones y procedimientos de controles paralelos, colaterales o puestos en práctica con el pretexto de la aplicación de la ley o de la “prevención”. Las detenciones por contravenciones, el registro de personas detenidas, la vigilancia de espacios diversos, las recaudaciones paralelas les brinda la posibilidad de un conjunto de atribuciones arbitrarias que caen fuera de toda forma de control o revisión institucional y les proporciona un poder mucho más relevante que el atribuido formalmente.
¿Es posible pensar en otra política de seguridad?
De los datos que tenemos –a los que hay que reconstruir de fuentes muy diversas, ya que nuestra Policía no se caracteriza por cumplir con las leyes de acceso a la información–, queda claro, en primer lugar la ineficiencia e ineficacia de la implementación de esta “guerra contra el delito”: la tasa de delitos registrados no ha disminuido mientras que la tasa de encarcelamiento y de detenciones contravencionales ha subido de manera exponencial, junto con el presupuesto y el personal de seguridad. Entonces, más presos y detenidos no implican la disminución del delito.
A su vez, no existe una relación entre pobreza y delito: lo que existe, es una relación entre la sobrecriminalización y la desprotección sobre los sectores más vulnerables de nuestra sociedad. Queda por preguntarnos entonces, qué sucede cuando la cárcel es un elemento cotidiano en la vida de sectores populares. Queda por resistir al encanto de las respuestas mágicas de cámaras y helicópteros cuyo costo es altísimo y su aporte a la disminución del delito, es dudosa. Queda por incorporar al debate las voces de las víctimas de esta política de seguridad, para saber qué mecanismos se desatan con cada llamada al 911 de vecinos que sospechan de cualquier extraño que pase por su vereda. Y después, cosas que son urgentes como el control de armas (comenzando por la misma Policía), la investigación sobre delitos complejos, revisar la relación entre Justicia y Policía para indagar un rol opacado pero central en la provisión de seguridad.
[1] Entre las medidas más destacadas podemos mencionar la creación de un nuevo cuerpo de Policía (el Comando de Acción Preventiva- CAP), la promulgación un nuevo marco normativo de seguridad (las leyes 9235 y 9236), reformas sustanciales al Código de Faltas, y la construcción de nuevas cárceles en localidades alejadas de los centros urbanos.
[2] La tasa de delitos en Córdoba en 2006 era de 4054,40 cada 100.000 habitantes (un total de 133.093 delitos) y en 2008, de 4307,73 (143.880).
[3] Durante 2007, según datos de la Policía, se practicaron 15.000 arrestos por faltas en nuestra ciudad. Al responder el pedido de informes, la fuerza señala que en 2009 esa cifra subió a 27.000. Durante 2012, en la ciudad de Córdoba, la Policía efectuó 37.976 detenciones por Código de Faltas. Un arresto cada 13 minutos en Capital.
[4] En toda la provincia, la Policía efectuó 54.223 arrestos. Cerca de la mitad (un 49%) afectaron a jóvenes menores de 25 años. Esto se acentúa en la ciudad de Córdoba, donde el porcentaje se eleva hasta casi el 70%. Asimismo, en un informe de publicación reciente, producto de una investigación realizada por la Facultad de Derecho de la UNC y la Universidad de La Rioja, España, dirigida por Fabián I. Balcarce (UNC); Marcelo Bernal (UNC); Ana Vega Gutierrez (UR); se da cuenta de los resultados de una encuesta realizada a jóvenes de diferentes barrios de la ciudad de Córdoba en el período 2011-2012. En este informe se sostiene que del total de jóvenes encuestados, el 38,9% fue detenido por alguna de las figuras del CDF. Dentro de este porcentaje, más de la mitad (54,6%) pertenecen a barrios con bajo nivel de ingresos, mientras que el porcentaje de jóvenes detenidos por CDF para los barrios de medio y alto nivel socioeconómico se reduce al 25,4% y 20,0% respectivamente. Por otro lado, afirman que en los barrios de ingresos altos el porcentaje de jóvenes a los que alguna vez la policía paró para pedirles su documentación de identidad personal asciende al 68,7%. A medida que baja el nivel de ingresos de los barrios, el porcentaje comienza a ascender. En el caso de los sectores de ingresos medios, el porcentaje aumenta al 72,5%, mientras que en los barrios de bajos ingresos esta proporción alcanza al 95,8% de los jóvenes encuestados.
Deodoro, Gaceta de Crítica y Culura es una iniciativa de la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba.
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Thank you for sharing this in-depth and clear analysis of security policy in Córdoba. I think it’s essential to understand that superficial changes, such as resignations or appointments, don’t solve structural problems. The focus on petty crime and the link between youth, poverty, and crime seem to perpetuate stigmas and fail to address the real causes. Furthermore, the comparison with Brazilian policies shows that copying models without adapting them to the local context can lead to more violence and little progress. These kinds of reflections help us develop a critical perspective and seek more effective and fair solutions.
This article really opens my eyes to the complexity of Córdoba’s security issues. It’s frustrating to see how more police and tougher laws don’t necessarily make us safer, but instead hurt vulnerable people the most. We need real change that goes beyond quick fixes and focuses on justice and equality. Thanks for sharing such an honest and deep analysis—these conversations are essential for building a better future. Sending my best wishes to everyone working toward positive change!
Excelente análisis. Urge repensar la seguridad sin criminalizar la pobreza ni caer en soluciones superficiales.
El blog presenta un ensayo titulado «La política de seguridad del cordobesismo», publicado en la sección de Dossier de la revista Deodoro. En este artículo se analiza la evolución de la política de seguridad en la región de Córdoba, destacando su relevancia en el contexto social y político. A través de un enfoque crítico, el autor explora las implicaciones de las decisiones tomadas bajo este modelo de seguridad, cuestionando su impacto en la población y las estructuras de poder. Esta publicación forma parte de un esfuerzo por reflexionar sobre temas de actualidad y generar un diálogo en torno a las políticas públicas.
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The blog delves into the security policy of Córdoba, discussing its challenges amidst judicial investigations and public safety issues. It touches on the tension caused by recent arrests and the difficulty of moving beyond scandal to address the real problems. The authors propose revisiting some critical aspects of the issue, aiming to enrich the public agenda with deeper insights. They emphasize the need for a more robust discussion on how local governance impacts public safety and security policies.
Este sitio web es muy bueno y estimulante. Los artículos de «DEODORO – Gaceta de Crítica y Cultura» profundizan en la política, la sociedad y la cultura. El artículo «La política de seguridad del cordobesismo» ofrece un análisis muy útil que ayuda a comprender las políticas de seguridad actuales. El lenguaje es sencillo y la información se presenta de forma clara. Este sitio es muy útil para los lectores, especialmente para aquellos interesados en temas sociales y políticos. Estas plataformas contribuyen a la concienciación social.
The current situation in Córdoba has made discussing security policies very challenging. With many legal investigations and arrests involving the Dangerous Drugs Unit’s leaders, it’s hard to move past the usual worries and focus on real solutions. This blog sees this moment as a chance to bring important issues back into public talks. It offers new information to help everyone understand the problem better and encourages deeper, more thoughtful discussions.
The blog article «La política de seguridad del cordobesismo» explores the security measures associated with the «cordobesismo» era and how they affected social dynamics. The article highlights how fear influenced early political decisions and is a part of a larger conversation on important issues. It is pertinent for readers interested in socio-political analysis and historical changes in governance because of its careful critique that touches on historical contexts. In doing so, the article demonstrates how security tactics have changed to adapt to shifting political and cultural environments.
This article offers a critical analysis of the security policies under the concept of Cordobesismo, specifically focusing on their inefficiency and failure to address complex crime issues. It highlights the tendency towards punitive populism, with a focus on minor crimes rather than the more dangerous organized criminal activities. The article also points out how the increasing militarization of the police force and the growing reliance on arrests for minor offenses have not led to any significant decrease in crime. Instead, it has resulted in the overcriminalization of vulnerable populations. This raises important questions about the real effectiveness of such security policies.
This website is very informative and thought-provoking, especially on Cordoba’s security policies. From here I learned that simply increasing the police force or targeting minor crimes does not solve the real problem. It is very important to understand complex crimes and internal issues of the police. The content is very detailed, which provides a deeper understanding. It can be even more impactful if it also includes the voices of people in the community and alternative solutions. Overall, a good resource for understanding security policies.
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I appreciate the opportunity to engage with this insightful article on the security policies of Cordobesismo. The analysis effectively highlights the punitive populism prevalent in contemporary urban contexts, focusing on street-level crime while neglecting more complex offenses and criminal economies that contribute to greater violence. The piece also underscores the local nuances of this approach, shaped by the provincial police structure, legislative framework, and the rhetoric associating youth, poverty, and delinquency. This examination offers a critical perspective on the intersection of security policies and social issues in Cordoba.
Hola , gracias por compartir este análisis tan detallado sobre la situación de la seguridad en Córdoba. Me parece muy valioso cómo ponen el foco en que los cambios de figuras políticas no son suficientes si las políticas de fondo siguen intactas. También es interesante la forma en que explican el “Cordobesismo” y su relación con el populismo punitivo. Es un texto que invita a reflexionar más allá del titular y entender las raíces del problema.
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The blog post discusses the security policy in the context of Cordobesismo, focusing on its impact and the way it is shaped within the local culture and politics. It delves into how security issues are handled in the region, analyzing the political implications of policies designed to manage risks and public safety. This insight is framed by the historical context of fear that influenced the formation of these policies. It offers a critical look at the evolution of security measures and their intersection with local governance, exploring their consequences and ongoing relevance in modern society.
Excelente análisis sobre la política de seguridad en Córdoba. El artículo ofrece una perspectiva crítica y detallada que invita a reflexionar sobre la situación actual. Aprecio la profundidad del contenido y la claridad en la exposición. Gracias por compartir esta información tan relevante. Saludos cordiales.
This security policy is like a friendly set of tips to help keep everyone safe while enjoying the area. It’s made so both visitors and locals can feel relaxed, whether walking around busy streets or quiet places.
La política de seguridad del cordobesismo es un tema muy interesante y relevante hoy en día. Me parece positivo ver cómo buscan proteger a la comunidad y mantener el orden, pero también es importante entender que la seguridad no solo depende de normas, sino de la colaboración de todos. Aprender sobre estas políticas nos ayuda a conocer mejor cómo funcionan las estrategias de prevención, la importancia del respeto a las reglas y la participación ciudadana. Además, reflexionar sobre estos temas nos enseña a ser más responsables y conscientes en nuestra vida diaria, fomentando una convivencia más segura y tranquila.
Excelente artículo. Me pareció muy interesante cómo se analiza el contexto político y social detrás de las decisiones de seguridad en Córdoba. El texto invita a reflexionar sobre el impacto del miedo en la construcción de políticas públicas y cómo se utilizan ciertos discursos para justificar medidas que afectan a toda la sociedad. Una lectura necesaria para entender mejor la realidad que nos rodea. Gracias por compartir este análisis tan claro.
Un artículo interesante sobre la relación entre las políticas de seguridad y el miedo. Destaca cómo las políticas en torno a la seguridad se ven influenciadas por las preocupaciones públicas y cómo responden los gobiernos. Comprender estas dinámicas es importante para comprender el mundo que nos rodea, especialmente hoy en día, cuando la seguridad está tan presente. Al considerar cómo se desarrollan estas políticas, podemos formarnos una mejor opinión sobre el equilibrio entre las medidas de seguridad y las libertades individuales. Este es, sin duda, un tema excelente para cualquier persona interesada en los debates políticos y en cómo la sociedad aborda la seguridad. Despierta la curiosidad y te invita a reflexionar.
Hi, thanks for sharing this. It really shows how complex the security situation in Córdoba is. Just replacing leaders won’t solve the deeper issues, because the real problem seems to be in the system itself. I like how you pointed out the link between local policies, youth, and poverty, and how that shapes crime. It’s a reminder that real change takes more than quick fixes—it needs honest discussion and long-term solutions.
This blog delves into the security policies linked to «cordobesismo,» exploring its historical and political dimensions. It offers readers a thoughtful analysis of how these policies have shaped local governance and social order. The article invites reflection on the broader implications for regional stability and community dynamics, providing a nuanced perspective that connects past events with present-day security challenges in Córdoba. It’s a compelling read for those interested in political and cultural studies.
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Córdobaの治安政策に関する分析、とても示唆に富んでいますね。単なるスキャンダルや人事の変化だけでは根本的な問題は解決せず、制度や政策の構造的な課題に目を向けることが重要だと感じました。若者・貧困・犯罪の結びつきや、選択的な刑事政策についての指摘も鋭く、公共議論をより深めるためのデータ提供の意義が伝わってきます。今後の議論の展開も注目したいです。
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This article by Valeria Plaza and Susana Morales provides a critical analysis of Córdoba’s security policy amid ongoing judicial investigations and leadership changes in law enforcement. They argue that resignations of top officials or appointing a “technical” minister does not address the underlying issues. Instead, they highlight how local populist approaches, or “Cordobesismo,” continue to shape security policy, focusing on street crime while oversimplifying broader systemic problems. The piece aims to deepen public discussion with data and analysis rather than scandal.
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El debate sobre la política de seguridad de Córdoba destaca su enfoque en castigar la delincuencia callejera, descuidando problemas sociales más complejos. Este enfoque se centra principalmente en los grupos marginados, lo que no parece reducir eficazmente la delincuencia. En lugar de mejorar la seguridad, se observan mayores tasas de encarcelamiento sin abordar las causas subyacentes. El artículo enfatiza la conexión entre la pobreza y la delincuencia, instando a un enfoque más reflexivo que se centre en los derechos humanos y la desigualdad social, en lugar de limitarse a aumentar las detenciones. Una estrategia más profunda e integral podría ayudar a abordar los problemas reales y crear una comunidad más justa y segura.
This article talks about security in Córdoba. It says that changing police or leaders does not fix the problems. The government focuses on small street crimes, not big crimes or drug networks. Programs like DOT use strong police actions in some neighborhoods, but they do not solve the main problems and can be violent. New laws put more people in jail, especially poor women, but crime still continues. The article shows that the security system has many problems and does not help people in a fair way.
Una lectura muy interesante. El análisis sobre la relación entre seguridad y política en Córdoba invita a reflexionar profundamente. Aprecio el enfoque crítico y el contexto histórico que aporta el artículo. ¡Gracias por compartir!
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Este blog reflexiona sobre la crisis en la política de seguridad en Córdoba, en un contexto marcado por investigaciones judiciales e imputaciones en la fuerza policial. Las autoras plantean que los cambios de figuras institucionales no resuelven el problema de fondo. Señalan que el enfoque punitivo persiste desde 2003 bajo el concepto de “cordobesismo”, caracterizado por priorizar la persecución de delitos menores y callejeros, dejando de lado las estructuras más complejas del crimen. Además, resaltan cómo el discurso oficial asocia juventud, pobreza y delincuencia, reforzando medidas represivas sin abordar causas profundas. El texto invita a repensar estas políticas para lograr un debate más integral, con base en datos y realidades locales.
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